FRANCOS, ROMANOS, FEUDALISMO Y DOCTRINA
- [ Parte 1 ]
UN INTERPLAY ENTRE TEOLOGÍA Y SOCIEDAD
© John S. Romanides
·
[Conferencias en memoria del Patriarca Atenagoras 1981 Prensa ortodoxa de
la Santa Cruz]
| Parte 1 |
1. Introducción
7. Conclusiones
Introducción







Las revoluciones romanas
y el ascenso del feudalismo franco y la doctrina

















La coronación imperial
de Carlomagno


















Reacciones romanas a las
políticas de Carlomagno








Las decretales
seudoisidoras






















El contraataque franco















Conclusiones


















NOTAS
[ 1 ] Hay dos factores que
pueden arrojar más luz sobre los eventos que rodean el papel desempeñado por
el gobernador de Ceuta en el derrocamiento del dominio gótico en la Romania
hispana. El primero lo menciona Ibn Khaldoun, quien afirma que las tribus
bereberes (los numidianos de la historia romana) se convirtieron al Islam
doce veces. Esto significa que los miembros de las tribus bereberes que
participaron en la liberación de España eran cristianos romanos absolutos, o
cristianos romanos en sentimiento y no eran diferentes de su líder, el
gobernador de Ceuta que era bereber, romano (ron) y Cristiano ortodoxo. El
segundo factor, testificado por San Juan de Damasco (circa 675-749) es
que los romanos en este momento todavía consideraban al Islam como una
herejía cristiana. El Corán (S.30) considera a los romanos como
correligionarios. Esto significa que los romanos hispanos aceptaron a los
numidianos como romanos y los árabes como cristianos heréticos. Estos
factores explican la rapidez misteriosa y la efectividad total del
derrocamiento del poder gótico. La tradición de que solo los judíos ayudaron
a los bereberes y árabes a "conquistar" Gothia (España ocupada por
los godos) es claramente una fabricación. Tanto los romanos judíos como los
cristianos ayudaron en la liberación que, en realidad, era la implementación
de planes revolucionarios de varias décadas, con dos intentos conocidos de
incitar a las rebeliones a través de los desembarques del ejército romano
libre, ya mencionado.
[ 2 ] "Cuando el duque
Eudo vio que lo habían golpeado y que era objeto de desprecio, convocó a su
ayuda contra el príncipe Carlos y sus francos, los incrédulos sarracenos. Así
que se levantaron ... y cruzaron el Garona ... Desde allí avanzaron en
Poitiers ... "Fredegarii, Chronica Continuationes13, trad. JM
Wallace-Hadril (Londres, 1960), p. 90
[ 3 ] Sobre los orígenes del
feudalismo europeo, vea mis librosRomanismo, Romania, Roumeli(en
griego) (Salónica, 1975).
[ 4 ] Migne,PL89:
744.
[ 5 ] F. Mourret,A
History of the Catholic Church, 3 (Londres, 1936), pp. 351-55. Las
principales condiciones de este decreto se reformularon en 817 en un acuerdo
entre Luis el Piadoso (814-840) y el Papa Pascual I (817-824), pero se
revirtieron en 824 por el emperador Lothar (823-855) quien agregó la
disposición de que El papa debía ser elegido con su consentimiento y
consagrado después de jurar lealtad. Brian Pullan,Fuentes para la historia
de la Europa medieval(Oxford, 1971), pp. 47-52.
[ 6 ] Es dentro de ese
contexto quepuede resolversela aparente contradicción entre Einhard y losAnales
de Lorsch.
[ 7 ] Thietmar de
Mersebourg,Chronicon, 4.47; Brian Pullan,Fuentes para la historia
de la Europa medieval (Oxford, 1971), pp. 120-121.
[ 8 ] John S. Romanides,Romanismo,pp.33,
50-51, 205-249.
[ 9 ] Para una revisión de
los aspectos históricos y doctrinales de esta pregunta, vea JS Romanides,The
Filioque, Discusiones Doctrinales Conjuntas Anglicano-Ortodoxas, St. Albans
1975-Moscú 1976(Atenas, 1978).
[ 10 ] Fredegarii,Chronica
Continuationes 25.
[ 11 ] Así, la obra de San
Atanasio el Grande tituladaDiscurso contra los griegos,Migne, PG 25:
3-96.
[ 12 ] Pullan,Fuentes,
pp. 16-17.
[ 13 ] Romanides,romanismo,
pp. 224-249.
[ 14 ] Mansi, 17. 493-496.
[ 15 ] Ibid., 17.516-517.
[ 16 ] Ibid., 17.525.
Romanides, elromanismo, p. 62ff.
[ 17 ] Se ha argumentado que
la versión sobreviviente de esta carta es un producto del siglo XIV. Sin
embargo, la carta encaja perfectamente con las condiciones de la Romania
papal en este momento y no pudo haber sido conocida ni por los francos ni por
los romanos orientales en el siglo XIV.
[ 18 ] Mansi 17.489.
[ 19 ] Ibid., Romanides,Romanismo,pp.
149-50, 325-27.
[ 20 ] No es casualidad que
Otto III haya declarado que la Donación de Constantino es una falsificación,
como ya se mencionó, un hecho que probablemente aprendió de su madre y
tutores de Roma Oriental. Sin embargo, evidentemente nunca sospechó que el
resto de los decretos habían sido manipulados.
[ 21 ] Hincmar's copious
arguments are contained in his writings about his nephew's illegal appeal to
the pope, Opuscula et Epistolae quae spectant ad causam Hincmari
Laudunensis, Migne, PL 126:279-648.
[ 22 ] Of these, the
following three survive: 1) Responsio De Fide S. Trinitatis Contra
Graecorum Haeresim, Migne, PL 110:111-112; 2) Ratramnus of Corbie,
Contra Graecorum Opposita, Migne, PL 121:225-346; 3) Aeneas of Paris, Liber
Adversus Graecos, Migne, PL 121:685-762.
[ 23 ] Mansi 16.555-60.
[ 24 ] "...nos Francos
non jubeat servire, quia istud jugam sui antecessores nostris antecessoribus
non imposuerunt, et nos illud portare non possumus, qui scriptum esse in
sanctis libris audimus, ut pro libertate et haereditate nostra usque ad
mortem certare debeamus." Migne, PL 126:181.
[ 25 ] Mansi 19.97-100.
[ 26 ] It is interesting to
carefully note that Richerus (Historiae 68), a student of Gerbert, reports
that the abbotts were answered by the claim that it was impossible to notify
the Roman pontiff about the matter because of obstacles caused by enemies and
the bad conditions of the roads.
[ 27 ] Mansi 19.103-08. For
Gerbert's own spontaneous version of the proceedings, see his report to
Wilderod, bishop of Strassbourg. Mansi 19.107-68. It is clear that Richerus s
attempting to cast the factual material in such a way as to cover up the
clash that was in process between the West Frankish establishment and the
Roman papacy. This is nowhere so much in evidence as in the fact that he
carefully avoids mentioning that Gerbert and the bishops who ordained him
were deposed by Pope John XV, a fact which Gerbert himself complains about in
his letter to Empress Adelaide. Mansi 19.176-78.
[ 28 ] Mansi 19.193-96. This
evidence should be used in the light of Gerbert's letter to Empress Adelaide,
already mentioned in the previous footnote. Richerus makes a feeble attempt
to present pope John as having sent Leo to simply investigate the matter at the
Council of Mouzon (Historiae 4.95) and for this reason the text of the Papal
decision had to be omitted from his acts of the Council. One can
understand why this text has also disappeared from the Papal archives most
probably when Bruno of Carinthia or Gerbert himself took over the Papacy.
[ 29 ] Richerus, Historiae
4.101-05. Mansi 19.193-96.
[ 30 ] Mansi 19.196.
Richerus gives us an important key to these deliberations. Gerbert finally
promised to abstain from the celebration of mass in order to avoid the
appearance of an open revolt against the pope. Historiae 4.106. In
other words, there was a general agreement among the lay and church nobles
(i.e., the Franks) that the pope and the Gallo-Roman (Walloon) multitude are
to be out-flanked, and for this reason, a final decision was at all costs avoided.
That a Frankish candidate for the Papacy was being prepared for the
succession of John XV was perhaps already decided upon and known by key
Frankish leaders. In order to govern the predominantly Roman multitude
effectively, the Franks had to always give the impression that they were
faithful and obedient to the Roman pope.
[ 31 ] Mansi 19.197-200.
Richerus mentions this council, but is silent about its decisions. Historiae
4.108. As already mentioned, he carefully avoids giving out the information
that Gerbert was suspended by John XV. By not mentioning the death of this
pope, Richerus gives us the impression that Gerbert twice visited the same papacy,
which also recognized his appointment to the Archbishopric of Ravenna.
[ 32 ] "Pressa jacet
tyrannide omnis Ecclesia Gallorum; atqui non a Gallis, sed ab his sperabatur
salus," Mansi 19.166. Gallia, Germania, and Italia were parts of the
Frankish Empire ruled in the past by members of the Carolingian families.
Within this context, Ecclesia Gallorum signifies the Church of the
West Franks and certainly not the French, who at this time were predominantly
the Gallo-Roman serfs and villeins under Frankish rule. This is clear from
the use of the title Rex Francorum by the Capetian Kings. See, e.g.,
Mansi, 19.93-94, 97, 105, 107-08, 113, 129, 171-72, 173-74.
[ 33 ] F. Mourret, A
History of the Catholic Church, 3 (London, 1936), p. 439; J. Gay, L'Italie
Meridionale et L'Empire Byzantine (867-1071) (Paris, 1904), p.
285.
[ 34 ] Mansi 19.132-33.
[ 35 ] Relatio de
Legatione Constantinopolitana 12. Migne, PL 136. 815
[ 36 ] In his letter to
Emperor Michael I (811-813), Charlemagne refers to the restoration of the
unity of the Churches within the context of the establishment of peace
between the Western and Eastern Empires, Monumenta Germaniae Historica,
Epistolae 4, p. 556ff. Charlemagne is here thinking in terms of the
Frankish West and the Roman or Greek East and not of Old and New Rome. Pope
Leo III had never accepted Charlemagne's doctrinal adventures about icons and
the Filioque, and the East Roman Patriarchs desisted from reacting against
them, evidently in support of the delicate and dangerous position of the West
Romans under Frankish occupation. In any event, Charlemagne's remarks are his
own admission that he himself had provoked a schism which existed only in his
own mind, since all five Roman Patriarchs avoided being provoked, and seemed
not to take the Franks doctrinally serious at that time. For an English
translation of this letter, see Robert Folz, The Coronation of Charlemagne
(London, 1974), pp. 242-43.
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